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Most incidents of urban unrest in recent decades - including the riots in France, Britain and other Western countries - have followed lethal interactions between the youth and the police. Usually these take place in disadvantaged neighborhoods composed of working-class families of immigrant origin or belonging to ethnic minorities.
Most incidents of urban unrest in recent decades - including the riots in France, Britain and other Western countries - have followed lethal interactions between the youth and the police. Usually these take place in disadvantaged neighborhoods composed of working-class families of immigrant origin or belonging to ethnic minorities.
Produktdetails
- Produktdetails
- Verlag: Polity Press
- Seitenzahl: 287
- Erscheinungstermin: 7. Oktober 2013
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 229mm x 152mm x 28mm
- Gewicht: 599g
- ISBN-13: 9780745664798
- ISBN-10: 0745664792
- Artikelnr.: 39358953
- Herstellerkennzeichnung
- Libri GmbH
- Europaallee 1
- 36244 Bad Hersfeld
- gpsr@libri.de
- Verlag: Polity Press
- Seitenzahl: 287
- Erscheinungstermin: 7. Oktober 2013
- Englisch
- Abmessung: 229mm x 152mm x 28mm
- Gewicht: 599g
- ISBN-13: 9780745664798
- ISBN-10: 0745664792
- Artikelnr.: 39358953
- Herstellerkennzeichnung
- Libri GmbH
- Europaallee 1
- 36244 Bad Hersfeld
- gpsr@libri.de
Didier Fassin is James D. Wolfensohn Professor at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton. His previous works include The Empire of Trauma and When Bodies Remember.
Acknowledgements
Preliminary Remarks
Preface to the Engish Edition
Prologue - Interpellation
In which the author comes to understand that it is sometimes dangerous to
wait for a bus in the outer city on New Year's Eve. How policing practice
provides the language for a philosophical theory, and how a philosophical
theory supplies the meaning of policing practice. That this is not a
testimony, and that indignation is not rage.
Introduction - Inquiry
How the present research was authorized and then forbidden, and that this
censorship is revelatory of petty exceptions in a democratic regime. That
an ethnography of the police requires resisting the dual temptation of
exoticism and culturalism. That a study is often the result of the
converging effects of chance and necessity.
Chapter 1 - Situation
How an imaginary of war came to be established in the relations between the
police and the projects. That a brief history of the social question and
security issues is essential in order to understand the context in which
law enforcement faces classes reputed to be dangerous. That the creation of
more aggressive special units was judged necessary to deal with the alleged
disorder in the outer cities.
Chapter 2 - Ordinary
How the daily work of police officers is far removed from the image they
had of it when they joined the force, and the illusion they continue to
maintain of it. That evaluation of the work of urban patrols yields such
unexpected results that it is not taken into account by government. That
inaction generates action, and what this phenomenon of spontaneous
generation means for the residents of the projects.
Chapter 3 - Interactions
How stops and frisks serve purposes other than those they are supposed to
serve, and prove more effective in perpetuating a social order than in
maintaining public order. That the way police officers speak about the
individuals with whom they deal throws light on their way of operating in
the outer cities. That the theater of police intervention sometimes plays
comedies in which not all spectators laugh at the same moment.
Chapter 4 - Violence
How a criminal court can offer valuable lessons on excessive use of force
by the police in the outer cities. That by not reducing violence to its
physical aspect and not limiting the definition of it to the legal sense,
one can gain a different understanding of it. That there are many ways of
preventing police brutality from being prosecuted
Chapter 5 - Discrimination
How police officers and sociologists challenge the existence of
discriminatory practices that the rest of the French population is
convinced prevail. That racist ideas do not automatically lead to
discriminatory practices, but that the two are far from incompatible. That
institutions show more tolerance toward institutional racism than toward
its victims.
Chapter 6 - Politics
How some signs are not deceiving, but may
nevertheless be surprising in a democratic regime. That local practices
enjoy great autonomy with respect to national guidelines, but that
government policy has some influence on the everyday work of law
enforcement. That the corollary of the increasing criminalization of
behaviors is an unprecedented casting of the police as victims.
Chapter 7 - Morality
How police officers disappointed by the justice of the courts began to
practice street justice. That jokes in the precinct can prove more serious
than is customarily maintained. That a code of ethics is not enough to
interpret the ethical forces at work in the behavior of police officers and
the moral impasse in which the police find themselves.
Conclusion - Democracy
How the French police preferred the model of the cop in the United States
to the style of the British bobby, and what was the result. That the
imposition of the rationale of security has a high social cost for
contemporary societies. That the interests of ethnography are intimately
bound with those of democracy.
Epilogue - Time
In which the author looks back to a not-so-distant past, observes that the
more things change the more they do not stay the same, wonders about the
present as it is experienced by certain segments of French society and
ignored by the others, and expresses concerns about the future.
Notes
Bibliography
Preliminary Remarks
Preface to the Engish Edition
Prologue - Interpellation
In which the author comes to understand that it is sometimes dangerous to
wait for a bus in the outer city on New Year's Eve. How policing practice
provides the language for a philosophical theory, and how a philosophical
theory supplies the meaning of policing practice. That this is not a
testimony, and that indignation is not rage.
Introduction - Inquiry
How the present research was authorized and then forbidden, and that this
censorship is revelatory of petty exceptions in a democratic regime. That
an ethnography of the police requires resisting the dual temptation of
exoticism and culturalism. That a study is often the result of the
converging effects of chance and necessity.
Chapter 1 - Situation
How an imaginary of war came to be established in the relations between the
police and the projects. That a brief history of the social question and
security issues is essential in order to understand the context in which
law enforcement faces classes reputed to be dangerous. That the creation of
more aggressive special units was judged necessary to deal with the alleged
disorder in the outer cities.
Chapter 2 - Ordinary
How the daily work of police officers is far removed from the image they
had of it when they joined the force, and the illusion they continue to
maintain of it. That evaluation of the work of urban patrols yields such
unexpected results that it is not taken into account by government. That
inaction generates action, and what this phenomenon of spontaneous
generation means for the residents of the projects.
Chapter 3 - Interactions
How stops and frisks serve purposes other than those they are supposed to
serve, and prove more effective in perpetuating a social order than in
maintaining public order. That the way police officers speak about the
individuals with whom they deal throws light on their way of operating in
the outer cities. That the theater of police intervention sometimes plays
comedies in which not all spectators laugh at the same moment.
Chapter 4 - Violence
How a criminal court can offer valuable lessons on excessive use of force
by the police in the outer cities. That by not reducing violence to its
physical aspect and not limiting the definition of it to the legal sense,
one can gain a different understanding of it. That there are many ways of
preventing police brutality from being prosecuted
Chapter 5 - Discrimination
How police officers and sociologists challenge the existence of
discriminatory practices that the rest of the French population is
convinced prevail. That racist ideas do not automatically lead to
discriminatory practices, but that the two are far from incompatible. That
institutions show more tolerance toward institutional racism than toward
its victims.
Chapter 6 - Politics
How some signs are not deceiving, but may
nevertheless be surprising in a democratic regime. That local practices
enjoy great autonomy with respect to national guidelines, but that
government policy has some influence on the everyday work of law
enforcement. That the corollary of the increasing criminalization of
behaviors is an unprecedented casting of the police as victims.
Chapter 7 - Morality
How police officers disappointed by the justice of the courts began to
practice street justice. That jokes in the precinct can prove more serious
than is customarily maintained. That a code of ethics is not enough to
interpret the ethical forces at work in the behavior of police officers and
the moral impasse in which the police find themselves.
Conclusion - Democracy
How the French police preferred the model of the cop in the United States
to the style of the British bobby, and what was the result. That the
imposition of the rationale of security has a high social cost for
contemporary societies. That the interests of ethnography are intimately
bound with those of democracy.
Epilogue - Time
In which the author looks back to a not-so-distant past, observes that the
more things change the more they do not stay the same, wonders about the
present as it is experienced by certain segments of French society and
ignored by the others, and expresses concerns about the future.
Notes
Bibliography
Acknowledgements
Preliminary Remarks
Preface to the Engish Edition
Prologue - Interpellation
In which the author comes to understand that it is sometimes dangerous to
wait for a bus in the outer city on New Year's Eve. How policing practice
provides the language for a philosophical theory, and how a philosophical
theory supplies the meaning of policing practice. That this is not a
testimony, and that indignation is not rage.
Introduction - Inquiry
How the present research was authorized and then forbidden, and that this
censorship is revelatory of petty exceptions in a democratic regime. That
an ethnography of the police requires resisting the dual temptation of
exoticism and culturalism. That a study is often the result of the
converging effects of chance and necessity.
Chapter 1 - Situation
How an imaginary of war came to be established in the relations between the
police and the projects. That a brief history of the social question and
security issues is essential in order to understand the context in which
law enforcement faces classes reputed to be dangerous. That the creation of
more aggressive special units was judged necessary to deal with the alleged
disorder in the outer cities.
Chapter 2 - Ordinary
How the daily work of police officers is far removed from the image they
had of it when they joined the force, and the illusion they continue to
maintain of it. That evaluation of the work of urban patrols yields such
unexpected results that it is not taken into account by government. That
inaction generates action, and what this phenomenon of spontaneous
generation means for the residents of the projects.
Chapter 3 - Interactions
How stops and frisks serve purposes other than those they are supposed to
serve, and prove more effective in perpetuating a social order than in
maintaining public order. That the way police officers speak about the
individuals with whom they deal throws light on their way of operating in
the outer cities. That the theater of police intervention sometimes plays
comedies in which not all spectators laugh at the same moment.
Chapter 4 - Violence
How a criminal court can offer valuable lessons on excessive use of force
by the police in the outer cities. That by not reducing violence to its
physical aspect and not limiting the definition of it to the legal sense,
one can gain a different understanding of it. That there are many ways of
preventing police brutality from being prosecuted
Chapter 5 - Discrimination
How police officers and sociologists challenge the existence of
discriminatory practices that the rest of the French population is
convinced prevail. That racist ideas do not automatically lead to
discriminatory practices, but that the two are far from incompatible. That
institutions show more tolerance toward institutional racism than toward
its victims.
Chapter 6 - Politics
How some signs are not deceiving, but may
nevertheless be surprising in a democratic regime. That local practices
enjoy great autonomy with respect to national guidelines, but that
government policy has some influence on the everyday work of law
enforcement. That the corollary of the increasing criminalization of
behaviors is an unprecedented casting of the police as victims.
Chapter 7 - Morality
How police officers disappointed by the justice of the courts began to
practice street justice. That jokes in the precinct can prove more serious
than is customarily maintained. That a code of ethics is not enough to
interpret the ethical forces at work in the behavior of police officers and
the moral impasse in which the police find themselves.
Conclusion - Democracy
How the French police preferred the model of the cop in the United States
to the style of the British bobby, and what was the result. That the
imposition of the rationale of security has a high social cost for
contemporary societies. That the interests of ethnography are intimately
bound with those of democracy.
Epilogue - Time
In which the author looks back to a not-so-distant past, observes that the
more things change the more they do not stay the same, wonders about the
present as it is experienced by certain segments of French society and
ignored by the others, and expresses concerns about the future.
Notes
Bibliography
Preliminary Remarks
Preface to the Engish Edition
Prologue - Interpellation
In which the author comes to understand that it is sometimes dangerous to
wait for a bus in the outer city on New Year's Eve. How policing practice
provides the language for a philosophical theory, and how a philosophical
theory supplies the meaning of policing practice. That this is not a
testimony, and that indignation is not rage.
Introduction - Inquiry
How the present research was authorized and then forbidden, and that this
censorship is revelatory of petty exceptions in a democratic regime. That
an ethnography of the police requires resisting the dual temptation of
exoticism and culturalism. That a study is often the result of the
converging effects of chance and necessity.
Chapter 1 - Situation
How an imaginary of war came to be established in the relations between the
police and the projects. That a brief history of the social question and
security issues is essential in order to understand the context in which
law enforcement faces classes reputed to be dangerous. That the creation of
more aggressive special units was judged necessary to deal with the alleged
disorder in the outer cities.
Chapter 2 - Ordinary
How the daily work of police officers is far removed from the image they
had of it when they joined the force, and the illusion they continue to
maintain of it. That evaluation of the work of urban patrols yields such
unexpected results that it is not taken into account by government. That
inaction generates action, and what this phenomenon of spontaneous
generation means for the residents of the projects.
Chapter 3 - Interactions
How stops and frisks serve purposes other than those they are supposed to
serve, and prove more effective in perpetuating a social order than in
maintaining public order. That the way police officers speak about the
individuals with whom they deal throws light on their way of operating in
the outer cities. That the theater of police intervention sometimes plays
comedies in which not all spectators laugh at the same moment.
Chapter 4 - Violence
How a criminal court can offer valuable lessons on excessive use of force
by the police in the outer cities. That by not reducing violence to its
physical aspect and not limiting the definition of it to the legal sense,
one can gain a different understanding of it. That there are many ways of
preventing police brutality from being prosecuted
Chapter 5 - Discrimination
How police officers and sociologists challenge the existence of
discriminatory practices that the rest of the French population is
convinced prevail. That racist ideas do not automatically lead to
discriminatory practices, but that the two are far from incompatible. That
institutions show more tolerance toward institutional racism than toward
its victims.
Chapter 6 - Politics
How some signs are not deceiving, but may
nevertheless be surprising in a democratic regime. That local practices
enjoy great autonomy with respect to national guidelines, but that
government policy has some influence on the everyday work of law
enforcement. That the corollary of the increasing criminalization of
behaviors is an unprecedented casting of the police as victims.
Chapter 7 - Morality
How police officers disappointed by the justice of the courts began to
practice street justice. That jokes in the precinct can prove more serious
than is customarily maintained. That a code of ethics is not enough to
interpret the ethical forces at work in the behavior of police officers and
the moral impasse in which the police find themselves.
Conclusion - Democracy
How the French police preferred the model of the cop in the United States
to the style of the British bobby, and what was the result. That the
imposition of the rationale of security has a high social cost for
contemporary societies. That the interests of ethnography are intimately
bound with those of democracy.
Epilogue - Time
In which the author looks back to a not-so-distant past, observes that the
more things change the more they do not stay the same, wonders about the
present as it is experienced by certain segments of French society and
ignored by the others, and expresses concerns about the future.
Notes
Bibliography